(�� (�� So I just heard that, like, in the wake of the hurricanes they were doing, you know, really important work in the Caribbean. Like, could we make it more legitimate and more—so more legitimate, more representative of the contemporary world and its power dynamics, while not inhibiting its effectiveness? There was a sort of confidence that in all circumstances, the world could be mobilized—when the world wasn’t mobilized to protect people from mass atrocities it was a collective stain on our conscience, and that there were circumstances where the world could be mobilized and could effectively intervene to protect people, even using military force. (�� It’s a group of filmmaker—Oscar-winning filmmakers who followed Secretary Kerry, myself, a few other Obama administration officials around as we conducted diplomacy the last year in office. (�� From 2013 to 2017, she served as the 28th U.S. permanent representative to the United Nations, as well as a member of President Obama’s Cabinet. And that’s the approach we took, for instance, on climate. (�� Samantha Power, the Anna Lindh professor of the practice of global leadership and public policy at Harvard Kennedy School and professor of practice at Harvard Law School, discusses the United Nations’ role in global governance, at a time when the United States is withdrawing from multilateral treaties and institutions, as part of CFR’s Academic Conference Call series. (�� (�� (�� (�� POWER: Thank you for your kind words. Learn more about CFR’s resources for the classroom at CFR Campus. (�� (�� And indeed, I really worry that some of the actual action that has come out of the U.N., which has been the product of U.S. leadership across Republican and Democratic administrations, that those actions will be harder and harder for the executive branch, as it were, the Security Council, and other parts of the U.N., to effectuate. (�� Be the first. (�� (�� Europe is massively overrepresented on the Security Council as a permanent member. So that’s a longwinded way of saying that Security Council reform I think is unlikely to happen anytime soon. (�� They can then go about enforcing those norms. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that (�� Seminar presentations (8 August 2011) "The United Nations (UN) must make changes in order to respond to a world which is no longer organized into countries, but rather is structured on global networks", stated ECLAC Executive Secretary, Alicia Bárcena today at the opening of the regional seminar on "The United Nations in global governance", which ends on Tuesday. The book attempts to examine the changing roles of civil society in global and national governance. Is there still a place for responsibility to protect, or has that concept lost its relevance in recent years? You can also follow her on Twitter at @SamanthaJPower, so you can keep up with her there. And so for the sake of our kids, we’ve got to develop a constructive working relationship with it, and harness it to our ends. It was saying, look, if atrocities are being carried out, states have a responsibility to look past the sort of sovereign shield that states that are committing atrocities would like to envelop themselves in, and see what tools in the toolbox can you deploy at reasonable risk in order to help people. (�� (�� (�� And then if you expanded it just numerically, you’re just probably going to—and the permanent membership of today doesn’t change—you still have the gridlock on core issues like Ukraine and Syria. (�� But it’s hard to generalize. (�� (�� (�� U.S. elections certainly have an impact on global politics, but they often focus on internal domestic affairs. So we’ve got to find a balance. ���� JFIF ` ` �� C (�� And you don’t always put in place, in my view, the means that are more likely to change behavior on the ground. One on North Korea, with the gulags and so forth. From 2009 to 2013, she served on the National Security Council as special assistant to the president and senior director for multilateral affairs and human rights. But for—in order for the five permanent members to settle on which countries should actually be represented on the U.N. Security Council, it just isn’t—it isn’t realistic, because, again, of the very, very different worldview. (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� Global Governance for Nutrition and the role of UNSCN 3 Background The United Nations System Standing Committee on Nutrition (UNSCN) was established in 1977 by the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) of the United Nations (UN) to advance the UN’s interagency work on nutrition. (�� (�� (�� And to me, the Trump approach, just in terms of enhancing our security which is the rubric under which it is being waged—is not likely to be effective on that axis because the way the U.N. works is it’s a system. (�� (�� But we’re never going to get there, right? Now, we can talk about that fact that as a U.N.—again, you can blame the U.N. for that, but fundamentally it’s about two very large countries with a lot of pull within the kind of executive branch of the U.N. just seeing the conflict completely differently. (�� (�� (�� Because I think the critics of the U.N. have actually been quite effective with the bumper stickers over the years. And we hit a brick wall which happens too often, which is when the Security Council is divided—as it was because the U.S., the U.K. and France had one view of the situation, Russia had another, and China followed Russia’s position, although not with a huge amount of gusto. You know, fundamentally when countries become weaker and are not getting development support, and these are countries that started incredibly impoverished, that’s ultimately going to be not something good for our people who are living in that country, our people who are living in neighboring countries, and our interests over time. So to take the Security Council membership, if you—that’s one of the changes that one could consider, because the membership is kind of old school. (�� (�� It’s toxic because every year there are 18 resolutions, roughly, taken out against Israel, given, you know, some legitimate concerns about the occupation and given some wild, frankly anti-Semitic—arguments made by member states of the U.N. (�� (�� (�� So there was that confidence. (�� And any, what? (�� It symbolizes America’s power. And we really appreciate your being with us. I think that’s what Ebola was. (�� (�� POWER: Well, as it relates to the issue of Israel, the U.N. is just a very toxic environment to deal with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. (�� (�� I mean, there’s a way—as frustrating as it can be, and I know first-hand from eight years of working U.N. issues, four of which were as ambassador representing this amazing country—you know, the—other countries would be—there are some countries that would just be thrilled by that prospect, right? (�� (�� They have great bearing then on countries’ willingness, if you’re North Korea, to ever engage in a diplomatic process, to give up nuclear weapons, of course. The spread of ISIS and its kind, because it isn’t only ISIS, it’s a mentality that shows up in Boko Haram or in regional terrorist movements—in terrorist movements that exist in countries where we have embassies and we have our aid workers and we have our citizens and tourists traveling. (�� (�� (�� They were huge supporters of the United States when we needed them on really tough issues like LGBT rights. It’s not the world that’s in our interest to inhabit. (�� I mean, you know, I don’t believe taking any problem immediately to the scrum of the large number of countries that comprise either the Security Council, 15, or the General Assembly, 193, that’s almost never the way to roll in international diplomacy. (�� And there is a perfect example of how, when the U.N. works, how it works. (�� (�� (�� (�� It gives permission that they’re looking for. (�� But I think engaging Republicans, encouraging travel—you know, just as a constituent even, or if you’re better plugged in better yet. But on your second question, it’s quite hard to generalize. (�� (�� (�� We may for it, and pay 28 percent of the peacekeeping budget. President Obama, as I mentioned earlier, went to President Xi on climate before going to any other country. (�� But nonetheless, they have traveled—some of them—have traveled the world and know how valuable the support that we offer—you know, the humanitarian support and the support to the U.N. as a whole—how valuable that is to our standing in the world and our ability to then show up and call on countries and ask them to do what we want when we need it. (�� (�� (�� So I think, you know, fundamentally the way to deal with the—you know, with terrorism in the region, with the security concerns that the Israelis have, with the need to end the occupation is through a peace process where both sides give. (�� (�� But, A, this kind of almost—this theoretical model that, like, in game theory would reveal other countries stepping into the breach, because they recognize that it’s in their interest to see leadership and absent U.S. leadership they then say to themselves, oh, well, then it has to be ours. It’s probably the biggest contrast between two presidents who’ve succeed one—far greater contrast than between President Clinton and President George W. Bush, I think it’s fair to say. (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� So too, you know, pulling out of the Paris agreement, when you have small member states at the U.N., you know, literally disappearing under water. October 28, 2020, The Role of the United Nations in Global Governance. That’s not the world that we want to live in. And then, on the Ukraine question, I think, you know, everything moved very, very quickly, and it was initially—before the Ukrainian president absconded, you know, he had signed this agreement. )-,3:J>36F7,-@WAFLNRSR2>ZaZP`JQRO�� C&&O5-5OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO�� /" �� It was founded in 1945, in the wake of the Second World War, as a way to prevent future conflicts on that scale. I’ve been practicing law now—I’m a graduate of Washington School of Law for 44 years. Now, there’s a reason that people in the United States feel that they’re kind of tired of carrying that burden, right? (�� (�� (�� We can just look at, at least, something like South Sudan the same way, and come up with a more robust collective solution that would really change the calculus of the leadership in South Sudan. . (�� (�� (�� When that kind of brutality is used, the ability to put Humpty-Dumpty back together again and for that leader to ever stabilize the country and the situation a real way, and ever really deal with the recruitment appeal of his tactics for very bad actors like ISIS—evil actors like ISIS—we just believe that in the long run that approach is not going to work. But we did manage to get, you know, a remarkable number of tons of chemical weapons out of Syria, did manage to create a joint investigative mechanism together. (�� What the U.N. is that I expected, with the U.N. as a stage where countries come together to be themselves, and they bring—they park their conceptions of their national interests, they park their values such as they are, and they advocate for them in one big scrum. We need to build coalitions. And in terms of—I don’t see that happening. (�� So is there a way for the average citizen to really support the U.S. being a responsible actor and, you know, promoting a good world order? I was inspired by United Nations back when I was in high school. (�� (�� (�� And it seems like sometimes that things like the U.N. are very far from our political efficacy. (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� I mean, just slashing, slashing, cutting—you know, just some bean counter with no regard for the interests that are advanced by investing, let’s say, in anti-HIV programs. (�� They are able to put in place coercive measures like economic sanctions and lift sanctions when change is secured, or when circumstances change. (�� (�� (�� (�� But it will be airing on HBO in the new year, but they’re starting screenings just in the next couple months. And then Libya, which was not done in the name of responsibility to protect as such but was done, you know, in order to prevent a massacre—the fact that Libya has ended up, you know, in very difficult, violent, unstable circumstances as well is very different than how people felt after East Timor, after Kosovo. (�� (�� But the way the U.N. will change will be when the countries that comprise it pursue policies within the international system that are more enlightened and look more to the medium and long term than to scoring political points on a Twitter feed. So I also hope you’ll follow us on CFR Campus on Twitter at @CFR_Campus, as well as go to our website, CFR.org, and Foreign Affairs for information and analysis about what’s going on in the world today. (�� And all the other ambassadors in the Security Council were kind of looking at their phones and they’re, you know, jotting—doing little drawings to themselves, or they’re passing notes to one another. (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� Q: Hello. We couldn’t show up in Paris unless we knew what we and the Chinese were prepared to give and to sacrifice. So I think the way that R2P gets talked about, appropriately, is about all of the other thing, short of military force, that need to be done in the face of mass atrocities. (�� (�� (�� And I’m think of this threat to cut the subsidies under the Affordable Care Act, and to sabotage it repeatedly so that one way or another he kills the Affordable Care Act. (�� (�� In this role, Ambassador Power became the public face of U.S. opposition to Russian aggression in Ukraine and Syria, negotiated sanctions against North Korea, lobbied to secure the release of political prisoners, helped build new international law to counter ISIL’s financial networks, and supported President Obama’s actions to end the Ebola crisis. (�� (�� China has gone from being one of the smallest donors to the U.N.—you know, almost like one of those very, very small countries back when it joined in the U.N. as the PRC—to now being the number-two donor to peacekeeping and the number-three donor to the overall budget. (�� (�� So even when the U.N. is an actor in its own right, it’s at the mercy of the generosity of and the investments made by countries like ours. (�� I think that’s what Paris really was. (�� Now, they evolve, as it were, you know, sometimes in the same day. (�� Dr. Deiss noted that, first, confidence in the UN as a facilitator of global governance must be reinvigorated. (�� (�� It wasn’t as well-coordinated as anybody would want. (�� The global spread of COVID-19 has put United Nations and international law and governance on pandemic response and related legal fields into the limelight. (�� (�� (�� (�� And we looked at this under the Obama administration. Academic and Higher Education Webinars and Conference Calls. But, like, my feeling was European defense budgets are shrinking and they need to fight in the ISIS coalition, help us in terms of Eastern European defense or, you know, get into U.N. peacekeeping. (�� It’s called “The Final Year.”. (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� That’s where we’re going with this. Today’s call is on the record. And they require sustained diplomacy and pressure on other countries. The United Nations does not directly bring together the people of the world, but sovereign nation states, and currently counts 193 members who make recommendations through the UN General Assembly. (�� (�� It works because in that instance the United States—but it could be another country, but it almost never is another country—steps forward and does what President Obama did at the time of pure panic across the United States. Council on Foreign Relations 9/27 Academic Conference Call on The Role of the United Nations in Global Governance with Samantha Power Let’s begin with long-held positions about the Global South’s role in the normative structures that circumscribe both global governance and the United Nations (Weiss & Abdenur 2014). (�� (�� (�� Q: Or any other foreign policy for the future of the U.S. and the U.N.? And we need to harness an institution that, when it works—which, again, is not as often as it should, but can deal with threats like Ebola, which cross borders, and can mobilize states to build norms together and then, on good days, hold those states accountable to those norms. (�� (�� (�� And people issued their statements—and, by people I mean people representing other countries, including powerful countries. And Germany, of course, carrying a very large share of the—of the refugee population that tried to move into Europe. (�� So, so far you’re seeing the Congress assert itself more than we have seen in the—in foreign policy in a very long time. (�� (�� (�� (�� I think that is a big dent in the concept or the norm or the sense that countries are willing to abide by the norm. endobj (�� Thank you for your service to our country and for talking with us today. And so, again, people have joked over the years that the secretary-general is more secretary than general. But by the same token, we don’t want to just go in, as China does, and cut all the human rights posts, you know, from U.N. missions in order to—they say to save money, but really they just want to do away with human rights posts. (�� Our belief that when you have a country that is ruled a now-minority of the population, when such brutality is used to repress initially just political protest and then eventually a rebellion. But so I have this long-term lover for the U.N. (�� So I think ala carteism has traditionally not been effective. (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� It’s from 1945. (�� The United Nations and the Future of Global Governance. You know, the decision to situate the U.N. within the United States is a major strategic advantage for the United States, right? And some of the frustrations of the current administration were shared and articulated very forcefully by us in the previous administration about the need for other countries to pull their weight more often within the international system. (�� But you know, fundamentally there is a choice, right? (�� You know, we relied on those small countries. (�� (�� (�� That’s terrible. But the way to get what you want when you’re pushing that agenda is not by offending everybody, you know, pulling funding, saying it’s over to you, you’re the one who’s going to—if that’s the attitude you take you’re not going to get leadership from other countries, or followership. I think that the signs are there that he could do the same to the United Nations. (�� Institutionalizing global governance: the role of the United Nations Global Compact But seriously, how long would a hold back of funds from U.S. take before it did serious damage to the United Nations? My question is, what structural changes would you make to the U.N. to make it more effective in the future? (�� So take my predictions—I wouldn’t—I wouldn’t bet on my predictions. So I—so I recommend it to you. Tacks people on to coalitions. Going right to China, getting India to make commitments and sacrifices on climate that they never contemplated making before, getting Europeans and other advanced countries into U.N. peacekeeping, getting defense budgets up. It addresses the And she also served, from 2005 to 2006, as an international affairs fellow here at CFR. (�� They may not want to jump up and down and say, oh, look at me, I’m supporting the United Nations, because that’s just not a talking point in some of those circles. (�� (�� (�� So it’s still a good deal, I think, for the taxpayer, given where these—the dangerous environments these peacekeepers go to. (�� (�� And they’re waiting for the United States to speak, and waiting to hear, OK, what’s the United States going to do about this problem, and how is the United States going to tell us what our role in addressing this problem is. A lot of leaders don’t want to push political water uphill either, right, and know that there’s fear there, and that—and there’s demagoguery, and a lot of legitimate fears, and a lot of very false claims that are—that are out there. (�� So we have a right and an interest in demanding more leadership and more certainly more followership from other countries, and more resources and more skin in the game. Our first question comes from Stockton University. (�� <>/Font<>/ProcSet[/PDF/Text/ImageB/ImageC/ImageI] >>/MediaBox[ 0 0 612 792] /Contents 5 0 R/Group<>/Tabs/S>> (�� But the way to get other countries to pull their weight and make the U.N. work, and make international law the taming force, is not to walk away from international law and not to ridicule countries—the countries that comprise the U.N. and cut funding to the institution itself. (�� (�� (�� And a number of even Democratic senators and congressmen calling for travel bans to prevent health workers from returning from West Africa, from treating Ebola patients. But there’s just no capability to do the things that people who caricature the U.N. accuse the U.N. of setting out to do. Are there ways to enforce compliance with U.N. measures that wouldn’t kind of impinge on those rights of sovereignty that are still widely accepted around the world? (�� A new peacekeeping force was authorized. (�� POWER: Sure. (�� (�� (�� (�� The (�� (�� Because I think you’ll start to see China sensing an opening, and having a very different conception of what the U.N. should be in the 21st century. (�� (�� (�� And you, Samantha, and the rest of our diplomats—Secretary Kerry and others, and ambassadors around the world—you’re going to go build a coalition because I’m giving you what you need. Global governance involves multiple states, as well as international organizations , with one …

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